Перевод: со всех языков на английский

с английского на все языки

it is by no means an isolated case

  • 1 absoluto

    adj.
    1 absolute, perfect, out-and-out, teetotal.
    2 absolute, absolutist, arbitrary, dictatorial.
    3 utter.
    4 absolute.
    * * *
    1 absolute
    \
    en absoluto not at all, by no means
    estar prohibido,-a en absoluto to be absolutely forbidden
    nada en absoluto nothing at all
    * * *
    (f. - absoluta)
    adj.
    * * *
    ADJ
    1) (=no relativo) absolute
    2) (=máximo) [prioridad] top; [reposo, fe] complete; [verdad] absolute

    existe compenetración absoluta entre los dos — there is a perfect understanding between them, they understand each other perfectly

    3) [monarquía, poder] absolute
    4)

    -¿es verdad? -no, en absoluto — "is it true?" - "no, absolutely not o no, not at all"

    -¿te importa? -en absoluto — "do you mind?" - "no, absolutely not o no, not at all"

    * * *
    - ta adjetivo
    1) <monarca/poder> absolute
    2)
    a) ( total) total, absolute; complete
    b)

    en absoluto — (loc adv)

    ¿te gustó? - en absoluto — did you like it? - no, not at all

    * * *
    = absolute, unrelieved, overriding, sublime, out-and-out, hard and fast, ironclad [iron-clad], unmitigaged.
    Ex. It's already difficult to find a lot of these things as it is, but it would be absolute irresponsibility to go to a title-main entry.
    Ex. Although the slave narratives were usually intended to serve in the cause of abolition, not all of them were bitter, unrelieved tirades against the institution of slavery, but rather there were frequently moments of relieving laughter.
    Ex. Consequently, the overriding demand made by the academic community is bibliographical in nature.
    Ex. When she said 'That's no way to speak about a patron, Mike,' he turned on her a look of sublime unconcern.
    Ex. Such an appraoch is unlikely to improve the social sciences unless valid informaton can first be distinguished from out-and-out incorrect information.
    Ex. There is no hard and fast answer to this question.
    Ex. A review of the research shows that there are no clear and ironclad answers.
    Ex. Only Bush could take a horrible situation and create an unmitigated disaster.
    ----
    * correspondencia absoluta = perfect match.
    * en absoluto = at all, in the slightest, whatsoever, not at all, in any shape or form.
    * éxito absoluto = award-winning success.
    * mayoría absoluta = absolute majority.
    * miseria más absoluta = abject poverty.
    * nada en absoluto = not at all, nothing whatsoever.
    * no importar en absoluto = have + no qualms about.
    * norma absoluta = hard and fast rule, ironclad rule, steadfast rule.
    * o nada en absoluto = if at all.
    * oscuridad absoluta = pitch darkness, pitch blackness.
    * regla absoluta = hard and fast rule, ironclad rule, steadfast rule.
    * * *
    - ta adjetivo
    1) <monarca/poder> absolute
    2)
    a) ( total) total, absolute; complete
    b)

    en absoluto — (loc adv)

    ¿te gustó? - en absoluto — did you like it? - no, not at all

    * * *
    = absolute, unrelieved, overriding, sublime, out-and-out, hard and fast, ironclad [iron-clad], unmitigaged.

    Ex: It's already difficult to find a lot of these things as it is, but it would be absolute irresponsibility to go to a title-main entry.

    Ex: Although the slave narratives were usually intended to serve in the cause of abolition, not all of them were bitter, unrelieved tirades against the institution of slavery, but rather there were frequently moments of relieving laughter.
    Ex: Consequently, the overriding demand made by the academic community is bibliographical in nature.
    Ex: When she said 'That's no way to speak about a patron, Mike,' he turned on her a look of sublime unconcern.
    Ex: Such an appraoch is unlikely to improve the social sciences unless valid informaton can first be distinguished from out-and-out incorrect information.
    Ex: There is no hard and fast answer to this question.
    Ex: A review of the research shows that there are no clear and ironclad answers.
    Ex: Only Bush could take a horrible situation and create an unmitigated disaster.
    * correspondencia absoluta = perfect match.
    * en absoluto = at all, in the slightest, whatsoever, not at all, in any shape or form.
    * éxito absoluto = award-winning success.
    * mayoría absoluta = absolute majority.
    * miseria más absoluta = abject poverty.
    * nada en absoluto = not at all, nothing whatsoever.
    * no importar en absoluto = have + no qualms about.
    * norma absoluta = hard and fast rule, ironclad rule, steadfast rule.
    * o nada en absoluto = if at all.
    * oscuridad absoluta = pitch darkness, pitch blackness.
    * regla absoluta = hard and fast rule, ironclad rule, steadfast rule.

    * * *
    A ‹monarca/poder› absolute
    B (no relativo) ‹valor› absolute
    C
    1 (total) ‹silencio› total, absolute; ‹reposo› complete, absolute; ‹confianza› complete, total, absolute; ‹miseria› utter, absolute
    los dejó en la ruina más absoluta he left them absolutely o utterly penniless
    tengo la absoluta certeza de que lo encontraremos allí I am absolutely convinced that we'll find him there
    2
    en absoluto ( loc adv): ¿te gustó? — en absoluto did you like it? — no, not at all
    no lo consentiré en absoluto there is absolutely no way I will agree to it
    no hizo nada en absoluto he didn't do a thing, he did absolutely nothing
    es un caso en absoluto aislado it is by no means an isolated case
    D ‹adjetivo/construcción› absolute
    un uso absoluto de un verbo transitivo a transitive verb used absolutely
    * * *

    absoluto
    ◊ -ta adjetivo

    1 ‹monarca/poder› absolute
    2


    b)

    ◊ en absoluto ( loc adv): ¿te gustó? — en absoluto did you like it? — no, not at all;

    no lo consentiré en absoluto there is absolutely no way I will agree to it
    absoluto,-a
    I adj (independiente) absolute
    (completo, intenso) total, complete: necesito silencio absoluto para poder escribir, I need total silence to be able to write
    (sin réplica) absolute: ejerce un dominio absoluto sobre sus amigos, he has total control over his friends
    II sustantivo masculino absolute
    ♦ Locuciones: en absoluto, not at all, by no means: no creas en absoluto que me fío de él, don't believe for a minute that I trust him
    ' absoluto' also found in these entries:
    Spanish:
    absoluta
    - identidad
    - interesar
    - llevarse
    - recogimiento
    - completo
    - perfecto
    - relativo
    - silencio
    - total
    English:
    absolute
    - absolutely
    - all
    - clear
    - dead
    - dislike
    - earthly
    - ignorance
    - implicit
    - least
    - long shot
    - mismatch
    - not
    - out-and-out
    - quite
    - rank
    - remotely
    - stranglehold
    - strict
    - unmitigated
    - unqualified
    - whatever
    - whatsoever
    - any
    - downright
    - hard
    * * *
    absoluto, -a
    ♦ adj
    1. [no relativo] absolute
    2. [completo] [verdad, mayoría] absolute;
    [silencio] total, absolute; [reposo] complete;
    tengo una confianza absoluta en ellos I have complete o every confidence in them;
    es el campeón absoluto de este torneo he's the overall winner of the tournament;
    es un absoluto sinvergüenza he's completely shameless
    3. [monarca] absolute
    4. Ling [ablativo, superlativo] absolute;
    ablativo absoluto ablative absolute
    5. Filosofía
    lo absoluto the absolute
    ♦ en absoluto loc adv
    nada en absoluto nothing at all;
    no me gustó en absoluto I didn't like it at all;
    ¿te importa? – en absoluto do you mind? – not at all
    * * *
    adj absolute;
    en absoluto not at all;
    nada en absoluto absolutely nothing;
    la casa no ha cambiado nada en absoluto the house hasn’t changed at all, the house hasn’t changed in the slightest;
    se negó en absoluto he refused outright
    * * *
    absoluto, -ta adj
    1) : absolute, unconditional
    2)
    en absoluto : not at all
    no me gustó en absoluto: I did not like it at all
    * * *
    absoluto adj absolute

    Spanish-English dictionary > absoluto

  • 2 ὅς

    ὅς, ἥ, ὅ
    ① as relative pron. who, which, what, that (Hom.+). On its use s. B-D-F §293–97; 377–80; Rydbeck 98–118; W-S. §24; Rob. 711–26, and for ancient Gk. in gener. Kühner-G. II 399ff; Schwyzer II 639–41.
    ⓐ As a general rule, the relative pron. agrees in gender and number w. the noun or pron. to which it refers (i.e. its antecedent); its case is determined by the verb, noun, or prep. that governs it: ὁ ἀστήρ, ὸ̔ν εἶδον Mt 2:9. ὁ Ἰησοῦς, ὅν ἐγὼ καταγγέλλω ὑμῖν Ac 17:3. Ἰουδαῖον, ᾧ (sc. ἦν) ὄνομα Βαριησοῦς 13:6. ὁ Ἰουδαῖος …, οὗ ὁ ἔπαινος Ro 2:29. Ἰσραηλίτης, ἐν ᾧ δόλος οὐκ ἔστιν J 1:47. οὗτος, περὶ οὗ ἀκούω τοιαῦτα Lk 9:9 and very oft.
    ⓑ A demonstrative pron. is freq. concealed within the relative pron.:
    α. in such a way that both pronouns stand in the same case: ὅς the one who ὅς οὐ λαμβάνει Mt 10:38; sim. Mk 4:9; 9:40 (the three w. implied condition). οὗ of the one whose J 18:26. ᾧ to the one to whom Ro 6:16. ὅν the one whom (or someth. sim.) Mk 15:12; J 1:45. οἷς to those for whom Mt 20:23. οὕς those whom Mk 3:13; J 5:21. ὅ that which, what Mt 10:27.—A prep. governing the relative belongs in certain pass. to the (omitted) demonstr. pron. alone: παρʼ ὅ Ro 12:3; Gal 1:8; ὑπὲρ ὅ (ἅ) 1 Cor 10:13; 2 Cor 12:6; Phlm 21; πρὸς ἅ 2 Cor 5:10; εἰς ὅν J 6:29. In others it must be added to both pronouns: ἐν ᾧ in that in which 2 Cor 11:12; 1 Pt 2:12; 3:16 (these passages in 1 Pt may be classed under 1kγ also). ἐν οἷς Phil 4:11. ὑπὲρ οὑ because of that for which 1 Cor 10:30. ἀφʼ ὧν from the persons from whom 2 Cor 2:3.—The much disputed pass. ἑταῖρε, ἐφʼ ὸ̔ πάρει Mt 26:50 would belong here if we were to supply the words necessary to make it read about as follows: friend, (are you misusing the kiss) for that (purpose) for which you are here? (Wlh.; EKlostermann) or thus: in connection with that (=the purposes), for which (=for the realization of which) you have appeared (do you kiss me)? (Rdm.2 78). Friend, are you here for this purpose? FRehkopf, ZNW 52, ’61, 109–15. But s. βב and iβ below.
    β. But the two pronouns can also stand in different cases; in such instances the demonstr. pron. is nearly always in the nom. or acc.
    א. in the nom. οὗ one whose Ac 13:25. ὧν those whose Ro 4:7 (Ps 31:1). ᾧ the one to or for whom Lk 7:43; 2 Pt 1:9. οἷς those to whom Mt 19:11; Ro 15:21 (Is 52:15). ὅ that (nom.) which (acc.) Mt 13:12; 25:29; 26:13; Mk 11:23; Lk 12:3. Likew. ἅ Lk 12:20. ὅν he whom J 3:34; 4:18; Ac 10:21. ἐφʼ ὅν the one about whom Hb 7:13.
    ב. in the acc. ὧν the things of which J 13:29. ᾧ the one (in) whom 2 Ti 1:12. So also w. a prep.: ἐν ᾧ anything by which Ro 14:21. ἐν οἷς things in which 2 Pt 2:12. ἐφʼ ὅ that upon which Lk 5:25. περὶ ὧν the things of which Ac 24:13. ἐφʼ οἷς from the things of which Ro 6:21 (this passage perh. uses a commercial metaphor, for pap s. Mayser II/2, 434f §121). εἰς ὸ̔ν the one in whom Ro 10:14a.—So Mt 26:50 (s. bα above), if the words to be supplied are about as follows: friend, (do that) for which you have come! (so ESchwartz, ByzZ 25, 1925, 154f; EOwen, JTS 29, 1928, 384–86; WSpiegelberg, ZNW 28, 1929, 341–43; FZorell, VD 9, 1929, 112–16; sim. PMaas, Byz.-Neugriech. Jahrb. 8, ’31, 99; 9, ’32, 64; WEltester: OCullmann Festschr., ’62, 70–91; but s. iβ end.—S. Jos., Bell. 2, 615 at πάρειμι 1a).
    ג. Only in isolated instances does the demonstr. pron. to be supplied stand in another case: οὗ = τούτῳ, οὗ in him of whom Ro 10:14b. παρʼ ὧν = τούτοις, παρʼ ὧν Lk 6:34.
    ⓒ Constructions peculiar in some respect
    α. The pleonastic use of the pers. pron. after ὅς (Mlt. 94f; B-D-F §297) γυνὴ ἧς εἶχεν τὸ θυγάτριον αὐτῆς Mk 7:25 is found in older Gk. (Hyperid., Euxen. 3 ὧν … τούτων.—Kühner-G. II 433f), and is not unknown in later Gk. (POxy 117, 15), but above all is suggested by Semitic languages (LXX; GrBar 2:1; Thackeray 46; JHudson, ET 53, ’41/42, 266f); the omission of αὐτῆς in the v.l. is in line w. Gk. usage. οὗ τὸ πτύον ἐν τῇ χειρὶ αὐτοῦ Mt 3:12; Lk 3:17. οὗ … τῶν ὑποδημάτων αὐτοῦ Mk 1:7; Lk 3:16. οὗ τῷ μώλωπι αὐτοῦ 1 Pt 2:24 v.l. οὗ καὶ πολλὰ αὐτοῦ συγγράματα EpilMosq 2. In a quot. ἐφʼ οὓς ἐπικέκληται … ἐπʼ αὐτούς Ac 15:17 = Am 9:12. οὗ ἡ πνοὴ αὐτοῦ 1 Cl 21:9. Esp. freq. in Rv 3:8; 7:2, 9; 9:11 v.l.; 13:8, 12; 20:8.
    β. constructions ‘ad sensum’
    א. a relative in the sing. refers to someth. in the pl. οὐρανοῖς … ἐξ οὗ (οὐρανοῦ) Phil 3:20.
    ב. a relative in the pl. refers to a sing. (Jdth 4:8 γερουσία, οἵ) πλῆθος πολύ …, οἳ ἦλθον Lk 6:17f. κατὰ πόλιν πᾶσαν, ἐν αἷς Ac 15:36. Cp. ἤδη δευτέραν ἐπιστολήν, ἐν αἷς (i.e. ἐν ταῖς δυσὶν ἐπιστ.) 2 Pt 3:1.
    ג. the relative conforms to the natural gender rather than the grammatical gender of its antecedent noun τέκνα μου, οὕς Gal 4:19; cp. 2 J 1; Phlm 10. ἔθνη, οἵ Ac 15:17 (Am 9:12); cp. 26:17. παιδάριον, ὅς J 6:9. θηρίον, ὅς Rv 13:14. ὀνόματα, οἵ 3:4 v.l. γενεᾶς σκολιᾶς, ἐν οἷς Phil 2:15. W. ref. to Christ, τὴν κεφαλήν, ἐξ οὗ Col 2:19.
    ⓓ Attraction (or assimilation) of the relative. Just as in Hdt. and freq. Att., ins, pap, LXX, the simple relative ὅς, ἥ, ὅ is somet. attracted to the case of its antecedent, even though the relationship of the relative within its own clause would demand a different case.
    α. In most instances it is the acc. of the rel. that is attracted to the gen. or dat. of the antecedent: περὶ πράγματος οὗ ἐὰν αἰτήσωνται Mt 18:19. τῆς διαθήκης ἧς ὁ θεὸς διέθετο Ac 3:25. Cp. Mt 24:50b; Mk 7:13; Lk 2:20; 3:19; 5:9; 9:43; 15:16; J 4:14; 7:31; 15:20; 17:5; 21:10; Ac 1:1; 2:22; 22:10; 1 Cor 6:19; 2 Cor 1:6; 10:8, 13; Eph 2:10; 2 Th 1:4; Jd 15 al.—When the antecedent is an understood but unexpressed demonstr. pron. (s. b, beg.) that would stand in the gen. or dat., the acc. of a relative pron. can be attracted to this gen. or dat.: οὐδὲν ὧν ἑώρακαν is really οὐδὲν τούτων ἃ ἑώρακαν Lk 9:36 (Schwyzer II 641); ἅ takes on the case of τούτων which, in turn, is omitted (so already Soph., Pla., et al.).—23:14, 41; Ac 8:24; 21:19, 24; 22:15; 25:11; 26:16; Ro 15:18; 1 Cor 7:1; Eph 3:20; Hb 5:8. ὧν = τούτων, οὕς J 17:9; 2 Cor 12:17. οἷς = τούτοις, ἅ Lk 24:25.
    β. The dat. of the relative is less frequently attracted (B-D-F §294, 2; Rob. 717) ἕως τῆς ἡμέρας ἧς (=ᾗ) ἀνελήμφθη Ac 1:22 (cp. Lev 23:15; 25:50; Bar 1:19); Eph 1:6; 4:1; 1 Ti 4:6 v.l.; κατέναντι οὗ ἐπίστευσεν θεοῦ = κατέν. τοῦ θεοῦ ᾧ ἐπίστ. Ro 4:17. διὰ τῆς παρακλήσεως ἧς παρακαλούμεθα 2 Cor 1:4.
    γ. In relative clauses that consist of subject, predicate, and copula, the relative pron. somet. agrees in gender and number not w. the noun to which it refers, but w. the predicate if it is the subj. and, conversely, w. the subj. if it is the pred. of its own clause: πνεύματι …, ὅς ἐστιν ἀρραβών Eph 1:14 v.l. τῷ σπέρματί σου, ὅς ἐστιν Χριστός Gal 3:16. τὴν μάχαιραν τοῦ πνεύματος, ὅ ἐστιν ῥῆμα θεοῦ Eph 6:17.—Rv 4:5; 5:8.
    δ. Inverse attraction occurs when the relative pronoun attracts its antecedent to its own case (as early as Hom.; also Soph., Oed. Rex 449; s. Kühner-G. II 413; Schwyzer II 641; B-D-F §295; Rob. 717f); τὸν ἄρτον ὸ̔ν κλῶμεν, οὐχὶ κοινωνία … ἐστιν; = ὁ ἄρτος ὅν … 1 Cor 10:16. λίθον, ὸ̔ν ἀπεδοκίμασαν … οὗτος ἐγενήθη (Ps 117:22) Mt 21:42; Mk 12:10; Lk 20:17; 1 Pt 2:7 v.l.—παντὶ ᾧ ἐδόθη πολύ, πολὺ ζητηθήσεται παρʼ αὐτοῦ Lk 12:48. ὅρκον, ὸ̔ν ὤμοσεν (=μνησθῆναι ὅρκου ὅν) 1:73 (s. W-S. §24, 7 note). τοὺς λίθους, οὓς εἶδες, ἀποβεβλημένους, οὗτοι … ἐφόρεσαν Hs 9, 13, 3. Cp. 1J 2:25.
    ε. Attraction can, as in earlier Gk. (Thu. 2, 70, 4), fail to take place when the relative clause is more distinctly separated fr. its antecedent by additional modifiers of the noun and by the importance attaching to the content of the relative clause itself (B-D-F §294, 1; Rob. 714f): τῆς σκηνῆς τῆς ἀληθινῆς, ἣν ἔπηξεν ὁ κύριος, οὐκ ἄνθρωπος Hb 8:2. But s. also Mk 13:19; J 2:22; 4:5; Ac 8:32; 1 Ti 4:3; Tit 1:2; Phlm 10; Hb 9:7; Rv 1:20.
    ⓔ The noun which is the antecedent of a relative clause can be incorporated into the latter
    α. without abbreviating the constr. and without attraction of the case: ᾗ οὐ δοκεῖτε ὥρᾳ = τῇ ὥρᾳ ᾗ οὐ δοκ. Mt 24:44; cp. Lk 12:40; 17:29, 30. ἃ ἡτοίμασαν ἀρώματα 24:1. ὸ̔ ἐποίησεν σημεῖον J 6:14. ὸ̔ θέλω ἀγαθόν Ro 7:19.
    β. w. abbreviation, in that a prep. normally used twice is used only once: ἐν ᾧ κρίματι κρίνετε κριθήσεσθε = ἐν τῷ κρίματι, ἐν ᾧ κρίνετε, κριθήσεσθε Mt 7:2a. Cp. vs. 2b; Mk 4:24. ἐν ᾧ ἦν τόπῳ = ἐν τῷ τόπῳ ἐν ᾧ ἦν J 11:6. καθʼ ὸ̔ν τρόπον = κατὰ τὸν τρόπον, καθʼ ὅν Ac 15:11.
    γ. w. a change in case, due mostly to attraction
    א. of the relative pron. περὶ πάντων ὧν ἐποίησεν πονηρῶν = περὶ πάντων πονηρῶν, ἃ ἐπ. Lk 3:19. περὶ πασῶν ὧν εἶδον δυνάμεων = περὶ πασῶν δυνάμεων, ἃς εἶδον 19:37. αἰτίαν … ὧν ἐγὼ ὑπενόουν πονηρῶν Ac 25:18.—The dat. of the relative is also attracted to other cases: ἄχρι ἧς ἡμέρας = ἄχρι τῆς ἡμέρας, ᾖ Mt 24:38; Lk 1:20; 17:27; Ac 1:2. ἀφʼ ἧς ἡμέρας Col 1:6, 9.
    ב. of the noun to which the rel. refers: ὸ̔ν ἐγὼ ἀπεκεφάλισα Ἰωάννην, οὗτος ἠγέρθη = Ἰωάννης ὸ̔ν κτλ. Mk 6:16 εἰς ὸ̔ν παρεδόθητε τύπον διδαχῆς = τῷ τύπῳ τῆς διδαχῆς εἰς ὸ̔ν παρεδόθητε Ro 6:17.
    δ. The analysis is doubtful in passages like περὶ ὧν κατηχήθης λόγων = περὶ τῶν λόγων οὓς κατηχήθης or τῶν λόγων, περὶ ὧν κατηχήθης Lk 1:4. ἄγοντες παρʼ ᾧ ξενισθῶμεν Μνάσωνι Ac 21:16 must acc. to the sense = ἄγοντες πρὸς Μνάσωνα, ἵνα ξενισθῶμεν παρʼ αὐτῷ. S. B-D-F §294, 5; Rob. 719.
    ⓕ The prep. can be omitted before the relative pron. if it has already been used before the antecedent noun: ἐν παντὶ χρόνῳ ᾧ (=ἐν ὧ.) Ac 1:21. εἰς τὸ ἔργον ὅ (=εἰς ὅ) 13:2. ἀπὸ πάντων ὧν (=ἀφʼ ὧν) vs. 38. Cp. 26:2. ἐν τῷ ποτηρίῳ ᾧ (=ἐν ᾧ) Rv 18:6.
    ⓖ The neut. is used
    α. in explanations, esp. of foreign words and of allegories: ὅ ἐστιν which or that is, which means: βασιλεὺς Σαλήμ, ὅ ἐστιν βασιλεὺς εἰρήνης Hb 7:2; cp. Mt 27:33; Mk 3:17; 7:11, 34; 15:42. Also ὅ ἐστιν μεθερμηνευόμενον Mt 1:23; Mk 5:41; Ac 4:36; cp. J 1:38, 41f. ὅ ἐστιν μεθερμηνευόμενος κρανίου τόπος Mk 15:22 v.l. (for μεθερμηνευόμενον). τόπος, ὸ̔ λέγεται, Ἑβραϊστὶ Γολγοθά J 19:17.—S. also αὐλῆς, ὅ ἐστιν πραιτώριον Mk 15:16. λεπτὰ δὺο, ὅ ἐστιν κοδράντης 12:42. τοῦ σώματος αὐτοῦ, ὅ ἐστιν ἡ ἐκκλησία Col 1:24. πλεονέκτης ὅ ἐστιν εἰδωλολάτρης Eph 5:5. τὴν ἀγάπην ὅ ἐστιν σύνδεσμος τῆς τελειότητος Col 3:14.—B-D-F §132, 2.
    β. when the relative pron. looks back upon a whole clause: τοῦτον τ. Ἰησοῦν ἀνέστησεν ὁ θεός, οὗ πάντες ἡμεῖς ἐσμεν μάρτυρες Ac 2:32; cp. 3:15; 11:30; 26:9f; Gal 2:10; Col 1:29; 1 Pt 2:8; Rv 21:8.
    γ. ὅ is to be understood as an obj. acc. and gains its content fr. what immediately follows in these places (s. W-S. §24, 9; Rob. 715): ὸ̔ ἀπέθανεν, τῇ ἁμαρτίᾳ ἀπέθανεν ἐφάπαξ = τὸν θάνατον, ὸ̔ν ἀπέθανεν κτλ. what he died, i.e. the death he suffered, he suffered for sin Ro 6:10a; cp. vs. 10b. ὸ̔ νῦν ζῶ ἐν σαρκί the life that I now live in the flesh Gal 2:20.
    ⓗ The relative is used w. consecutive or final mng. (result or purpose): τίς ἔγνω νοῦν κυρίου, ὸ̔ς συμβιβάσει αὐτόν; who has known the mind of the Lord, so that he could instruct him? 1 Cor 2:16 (cp. Is 40:13). ἄξιός ἐστιν ᾧ παρέξῃ τοῦτο he is worthy that you should grant him this Lk 7:4. ἀποστέλλω τὸν ἄγγελόν μου …, ὸ̔ς κατασκευάσει Mt 11:10. ἔπεμψα Τιμόθεον …, ὸ̔ς ὑμᾶς ἀναμνήσει 1 Cor 4:17. ἔχετε μεθʼ ἑαυτῶν, εἰς οὓς ἐργάσεσθε τὸ καλόν 21:2.
    ⓘ taking the place of the interrogative pron.
    α. in indirect questions (Soph., Oed. Rex 1068; Thu. 1, 136, 4; Attic ins of 411 B.C. in Meisterhans3-Schw.; pap [Witkowski 30, 7]; oft. Joseph. [Schmidt 369]; Just., D. 44, 4 διʼ ἧς ὁδοῦ). ὸ̔ ἐγὼ ποιῶ what I am doing J 13:7. ἃ λέγουσιν 1 Ti 1:7 (Just., D. 9, 1 οὐ γὰρ οἶδας ὸ̔ λέγεις).—J 18:21.
    β. NT philology has generally dismissed the proposition that ὅς is used in direct questions (Mlt. 93; B-D-F §300, 2; Radermacher2 78; PMaas [see 1bβב above]). An unambiguous example of it is yet to be found. Even the ins on a goblet in Dssm., LO 100ff [LAE 125–31], ET 33, 1922, 491–93 leaves room for doubt. Therefore also the translation of ἐφʼ ὸ̔ πάρει Mt 26:50 as ‘what are you here for?’ (so Goodsp., Probs. 41–43; similarly, as early as Luther, later Dssm.; JWilson, ET 41, 1930, 334) has been held suspect. S. ZNW 52, ’61, 109ff.—Rob. 725 doubts the interrogative here, but Mlt-Turner 50 inclines toward it. If further proof for interrogative use of ὅς can be found, lit.-crit. considerations (s. vv. 14–16) invite attention to the v.l. (s. Tdf. app.) ἐφʼ ᾦ, a combination used in commercial documents (PGrenf II, 17, 2; 5; Mayser II/1 p. 215); the colloquial use suggests the sense: What deal did you make?—See also 1bβב above.
    ⓙ combined w. particles
    α. with ἄν (ἐάν), s. ἄν I. b.
    β. with γέ (s. γέ aβ and cp. PFlor 370, 9) Ro 8:32.
    γ. w. δήποτε whatever J 5:3(4) v.l. (the vv.ll. vary betw. οἵῳ and ᾧ, δηποτοῦν and δήποτε).
    δ. w. καί who also Mk 3:19; Lk 6:13f; 7:49 al.
    ε. with περ = ὅσπερ, ἥπερ, ὅπερ (TestSol, TestAbr; TestJob 7:13; JosAs 14:12; GrBar; ApcSed 2:1; Jos., Ant. 2, 277, Vi. 95; apolog. [exc. Mel.]) just the one who Mk 15:6 v.l. ὅπερ which indeed Ox 840, 35; ISm 4:1. πάντα ἅπερ whatever GPt 11:45.
    ⓚ used w. preposition (s. also above: 1bα; 1bβב; 1eβ,γ; 1f, and s. Johannessohn, Präp. 382f [ind.]), whereby a kind of conjunction is formed:
    α. with ἀντί: ἀνθʼ ὧν (s. ἀντί 4) because Lk 1:20; 19:44; Ac 12:23; 2 Th 2:10; therefore Lk 12:3.
    β. w. εἰς: εἰς ὅ to this end 2 Th 1:11.
    γ. with ἐν: ἐν οἷς connects w. the situation described in what precedes under which circumstances = under these circumstances Lk 12:1; Ac 24:18 v.l.; 26:12. So also perh. ἐν ᾧ 1 Pt 1:6; 2:12; 3:16, 19; 4:4. S. also ἐν 7 and cp. 1bα above.
    δ. w. ἐπί: ἐφʼ ᾧ (normally, ‘for which’: Plut., Cimon 483 [8, 6] Cimon receives honors in requital for his generous deed [cp. the pl. ἐφʼ οἷς IPriene 114, 22 of honors heaped on a gymnasiarch for his numerous contributions]; cp. Plut., Mor. 522e and Diog. L. 7, 173. Conversely Plut., Aratus 1048 [44, 4]: A. suffers some dishonor ‘for what’ he did to one of his associates) has freq. been interpreted=ἐπὶ τούτῳ ὅτι for the reason that, because Ro 5:12 (lit. on ἁμαρτία 3a); 2 Cor 5:4; Phil 3:12; for 4:10. But a commercial metaphor may find expression in the first 3 passages cited here; s. ἐπί 6c. Difft. on Ro 5:12 JFitzmyer, NTS 39, ’93, 321–39; also comm. (Anchor), ad loc.: ‘with the result that, so that’
    ε. οὗ χάριν therefore Lk 7:47.
    ζ. in indications of time: ἀφʼ ἧς (s. ἀπό 2bγ and cp. BGU 252, 9 [98 A.D.]) from the time when; since Lk 7:45; Ac 24:11; 2 Pt 3:4; Hs 8, 6, 6 v.l.; as soon as, after 8, 1, 4.—ἀφʼ οὗ (s. ἀπό 2bγ) when once, since Lk 13:25; 24:21; Rv 16:18. ἄχρι οὗ (s. ἄχρι 1bα) until (the time when) Ac 7:18; Ro 11:25; 1 Cor 11:26; Gal 3:19. Also ἕως οὗ until Mt 1:25; 13:33; 14:22; 17:9; Lk 13:21; D 11:6 al. μέχρις οὗ until Mk 13:30; Gal 4:19.—On the gen. οὗ as an adv. of place s. it as a separate entry.
    ② Demonstrative pron. this (one) (Hom.+; prose of Hdt. et al. [Kühner-G. II 228f]; pap, LXX).
    ⓐ ὸ̔ς δέ but he (Ps.-Lucian, Philopatris 22; PRyl 144, 14 [38 A.D.]) Mk 15:23; J 5:11 v.l. Mostly
    ⓑ ὸ̔ς μὲν … ὸ̔ς δέ the one … the other (Hippocr.+; very oft. in later wr.; POxy 1189, 7 [c. 117 A.D.]; SibOr 3, 654) the masc. in var. cases of sing. and pl. Mt 22:5; Lk 23:33; Ac 27:44; Ro 14:5; 1 Cor 11:21; 2 Cor 2:16; Jd 22f. ὸ̔ μὲν … ὸ̔ δέ this … that Ro 9:21. ἃ μὲν … ἃ δέ (Lucian, Rhet. Praec. 15) some … others 2 Ti 2:20. ὸ̔ς μὲν … ὸ̔ς δὲ … ὸ̔ς δέ Mt 21:35; 25:15 (Lucian, Tim. 57 διδοὺς … ᾧ μὲν πέντε δραχμάς, ᾧ δέ μνᾶν, ᾧ δὲ ἡμιτάλαντον). ὸ̔ μὲν … ὸ̔ δὲ … ὸ̔ δέ Mt 13:8b, 23. ᾧ μὲν … ἄλλῳ δὲ … ἑτέρῳ (ἄλλῳ δέ is then repeated five times, and before the last one there is a second ἑτέρῳ) 1 Cor 12:8–10. ὸ̔ μὲν … καὶ ἄλλο κτλ. Mk 4:4. ὸ̔ μὲν … καὶ ἕτερον (repeated several times) Lk 8:5. ἃ μὲν … ἄλλα δέ (repeated several times) Mt 13:4–8a. In anacoluthon οὓς μέν without οὓς δέ 1 Cor 12:28. ὸ̔ς μὲν … ὁ δὲ ἀσθενῶν Ro 14:2.—B-D-F §250. MBlack, An Aramaic Approach3, ’67, 100f.—DELG 1 ὅς. M-M.

    Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά παλαιοχριστιανική Λογοτεχνία > ὅς

  • 3 casual

    adj.
    1 accidental.
    un encuentro casual a chance encounter
    2 casual, accidental, chance, occasional.
    * * *
    1 accidental, chance
    \
    por un casual familiar just by chance, by any chance
    * * *
    adj.
    * * *
    1. ADJ
    1) (=fortuito) chance antes de s

    es un hecho casual y aislado — it's an isolated, chance happening

    su éxito no es casual, sino fruto del trabajo — his success cannot be put down to chance but is the product of hard work

    de forma o manera casual — by chance

    no es casual que... — it's no coincidence that...

    2) (Ling) case antes de s
    2.
    SM

    por un casual — * by any chance

    * * *
    I
    adjetivo chance (before n)
    II

    por un casual — (fam) by any chance

    * * *
    = incidental, unintended, fortuitous, serendipitous, accidental.
    Ex. The abstracts of research papers will typically represent incidental findings (e.g. properties, side-effects, important inconsistencies in arguments or deductions, newly discovered data sources).
    Ex. However, membership of the European Community means that UK bussinesses are increasingly vulverable to NTBs, deliberate or unintended, which are determined on a Community basis.
    Ex. A stickler for details, sometimes to the point of compulsion, Edmonds was deemed a fortuitous choice to head the monumental reorganization process.
    Ex. The help given by libraries to children can be formal, informal or serendipitous.
    Ex. The user is liable for any accidental or unintentional transmission.
    ----
    * de un modo casual = in a by-the-way fashion.
    * hecho casual = coincidence, chance happening.
    * * *
    I
    adjetivo chance (before n)
    II

    por un casual — (fam) by any chance

    * * *
    = incidental, unintended, fortuitous, serendipitous, accidental.

    Ex: The abstracts of research papers will typically represent incidental findings (e.g. properties, side-effects, important inconsistencies in arguments or deductions, newly discovered data sources).

    Ex: However, membership of the European Community means that UK bussinesses are increasingly vulverable to NTBs, deliberate or unintended, which are determined on a Community basis.
    Ex: A stickler for details, sometimes to the point of compulsion, Edmonds was deemed a fortuitous choice to head the monumental reorganization process.
    Ex: The help given by libraries to children can be formal, informal or serendipitous.
    Ex: The user is liable for any accidental or unintentional transmission.
    * de un modo casual = in a by-the-way fashion.
    * hecho casual = coincidence, chance happening.

    * * *
    chance ( before n)
    fue un encuentro casual it was a chance encounter, we met by chance
    por un casual ( fam); by any chance
    * * *

    casual adjetivo
    chance ( before n)
    casual
    I adjetivo accidental, chance
    ♦ Locuciones: familiar por un casual, by anychance: ¿sabrías por un casual el teléfono de Luis?, do you know Luis' telephone number, by any chance?
    II m fam chance
    ' casual' also found in these entries:
    Spanish:
    desenfadada
    - desenfadado
    - despreocupada
    - despreocupado
    - eventual
    - informal
    - ocasional
    - vestida
    - vestido
    - deportivo
    - estilo
    - sport
    English:
    casual
    - coincidental
    - eventual
    - meeting
    - nonchalant
    - passing
    - rakish
    - sport
    - sports
    * * *
    ♦ adj
    accidental;
    un encuentro casual a chance encounter
    ♦ nm
    Fam
    por un casual by any chance
    * * *
    adj chance atr
    * * *
    casual adj
    1) fortuito: fortuitous, accidental
    2) Mex : casual (of clothing)
    * * *
    casual adj chance / accidental

    Spanish-English dictionary > casual

  • 4 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 5 ἀδελφός

    ἀδελφός, οῦ, ὁ (Hom. [ἀδελφεός]+; accord. to B-D-F §13; Schwyzer I 555; Mlt-H. II 58; PKatz, TLZ 83, ’58, 315f vocative ἄδελφε should be accented on the antepenult in Ac 9:17; 21:20 contrary to the practice of the editions; also GPt 2:5.)
    ① a male from the same womb as the reference pers., brother, Mt 1:2, 11; 4:18, 21 al.; τὸν ἀ. τ. ἴδιον J 1:41 (s. Jos., Ant. 11, 300). Of Jesus’ brothers (passages like Gen 13:8; 14:14; 24:48; 29:12; Lev 10:4; 1 Ch 9:6 do not establish the mng. ‘cousin’ for ἀ.; they only show that in rendering the Hebr. אָח ἀ. is used loosely in isolated cases to designate masc. relatives of various degrees. The case of ἀδελφή [q.v. 1] is similar Gen 24:59f; Tob 8:4, 7 [cp. 7:15]; Jos., Ant. 1, 211 [ἀδελφή = ἀδελφοῦ παῖς]. Sim. M. Ant., who [1, 14, 1] uses ἀ. for his brother-in-law Severus; the same use is found occas. in the pap: JCollins, TS 5, ’44, 484–94; s. VTscherikover HTR ’42, 25–44) Mt 12:46f; 13:55; Mk 3:31f; J 2:12; 7:3, 5; Ac 1:14; 1 Cor 9:5. James ὁ ἀδελφὸς τοῦ κυρίου Gal 1:19. The pl. can also mean brothers and sisters (Eur., El. 536; Andoc. 1, 47 ἡ μήτηρ ἡ ἐκείνου κ. ὁ πατὴρ ὁ ἐμὸς ἀδελφοί; Anton. Diog. 3 [Erot. Gr. I 233, 23; 26 Hercher]; POxy 713, 21f [97 A.D.] ἀδελφοῖς μου Διοδώρῳ κ. Θαί̈δι; schol. on Nicander, Ther. 11 [p. 5, 9] δύο ἐγένοντο ἀδελφοί, Φάλαγξ μὲν ἄρσην, θήλεια δὲ Ἀράχνη τοὔνομα. The θεοὶ Ἀδελφοί, a married couple consisting of brother and sister on the throne of the Ptolemies: OGI 50, 2 [III B.C.] and pap [Mitt-Wilck. I/1, 99; I/2, 103–7, III B.C.]). In all these cases only one brother and one sister are involved. Yet there are also passages in which ἀδελφοί means brothers and sisters, and in whatever sequence the writer chooses (Polyb. 10, 18, 15 ποιήσεσθαι πρόνοιαν ὡς ἰδίων ἀδελφῶν καὶ τέκνων; Epict. 1, 12, 20 ἀδ. beside γονεῖς, τέκνα, γείτονες; 1, 22, 10; 4, 1, 111; Artem. 3, 31; Ptolem., Apotel. 3, 6; Diog. L. 7, 108; 120; 10, 18. In PMich 214, 12 [296 A.D.] οἱ ἀδελφοί σου seems to be even more general=‘your relatives’). Hence there is no doubt that in Lk 21:16 ἀδελφοί=brothers and sisters, but there is some room for uncertainty in the case of the ἀδελφοί of Jesus in Mt 12:46f; Mk 3:31; J 2:12; 7:3, 5; Ac 1:14.
    ② a pers. viewed as a brother in terms of a close affinity, brother, fellow member, member, associate fig. ext. of 1.
    ⓐ one who shares beliefs (for an associated duality, s. Did., Gen. 127, 6 ἀ. ἐστι τοῦ φαινομένου ἔξω ἀνθρώπου ὁ κρυπτὸς καὶ ἐν διανοίᾳ ἄνθρωπος=brother to the man as he appears from without is the man who is hidden in thought): Jesus calls everyone who is devoted to him brother Mt 12:50; Mk 3:35, esp. his disciples Mt 28:10; J 20:17. Hence gener. for those in such spiritual communion Mt 25:40; Hb 2:12 (Ps 21:23), 17 al. Of a relationship w. a woman other than that of husband Hs 9, 11, 3 al.; 2 Cl 12:5.—Of the members of a relig. community (PParis 20 [II B.C.] al. of the hermits at the Serapeum in Memphis; UPZ 162 I, 20 [117 B.C.] ἀδελφοὶ οἱ τὰς λειτουργίας ἐν ταῖς νεκρίαις παρεχόμενοι; IG XIV, 956 B, 11f. ἀ.=member of the ἱερὰ ξυστικὴ σύνοδος; IPontEux II, 449f εἰσποιητοὶ ἀ. σεβόμενοι θεὸν Ὕψιστον [Ltzm. ZWT 55, 1913, 121]. Mystery pap [III A.D.]: APF 13, ’39, 212. Essenes in Jos., Bell. 2, 122. Vett. Val. 172, 31; Cleopatra ln. 94. See GMilligan 1908 on 1 Th 1:4; Ltzm. Hdb. on Ro 1:13 [lit.]; Dssm. B 82f, 140 [BS 87f, 142]; Nägeli 38; Cumont3 276). Hence used by Christians in their relations w. each other Ro 8:29, 1 Cor 5:11; Eph 6:23; 1 Ti 6:2; Ac 6:3; 9:30; 10:23; Rv 1:9; 12:10; IEph 10:3; ISm 12:1 al. So esp. w. proper names (for ἀδ. in a figurative sense used with a name, cp. the address of a letter PMich 162 verso [II A.D.] ἀπὸ Ἀπλωναρίου ἀδελφοῦ) to indicate membership in the Christian community Ro 16:23; 1 Cor 1:1; 16:12; 2 Cor 1:1; Phil 2:25; Col 1:1; 4:7, 9; 1 Th 3:2; Phlm 1; 1 Pt 5:12; 2 Pt 3:15; AcPl Ha 1, 30 al. Completely ἀδελφὸς ἐν κυρίῳ Phil 1:14. Oft. in direct address 1 Cl 1:1 (cod. A); 4:7; 13:1; 33:1; 2 Cl 20:2 al.; B 2:10; 3:6 al.; IRo 6:2; Hv 2, 4, 1; 3, 1, 1; 4; AcPl Ha 7, 4; 8, 21; AcPlCor 1:16. ἀδελφοί μου B 4:14; 5:5; 6:15; IEph

    Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά παλαιοχριστιανική Λογοτεχνία > ἀδελφός

  • 6 гальваническая развязка

    1. galvanic separation
    2. galvanic isolation
    3. electrical isolation

     

    гальваническая развязка
    Мероприятие или техническое средство, применение которого направлено на исключение гальванической связи между проводящими частями.
    [РД-91.020.00-КТН-276-07]

    гальваническая развязка
    Схемотехническое решение, при котором исключается гальваническая связь между электрическими цепями. Гальваническая развязка осуществляется трансформаторами или оптоэлектронными приборами.
    [Интент]

    EN

    galvanic separation
    prevention of electric conduction between two electric circuits intended to exchange power and/or signals
    NOTE – Galvanic separation can be provided e.g. by an isolating transformer or an opto-coupler.
    [IEV number 151-12-26]

    FR

    séparation électrique, f
    séparation galvanique (terme déconseillé), f
    action ou moyen d’empêcher la conduction électrique entre deux circuits électriques prévus pour échanger de la puissance ou des signaux
    NOTE – Une séparation électrique peut être obtenue, par exemple, au moyen d’un transformateur de séparation (de circuits) ou d’un optocoupleur.
    [IEV number 151-12-26]

    Параллельные тексты EN-RU

     

    Electrical isolation means that no current flow can occur from one electric circuit to a neighboring other electric circuit.
    In case of power supplies, this means that no electric connection exists between the input side and the output side    .
    [ABB]

    Гальваническая развязка означает, что электрический ток не может протекать из какой-либо цепи в соседнюю цепь.
    Для источников электропитания это означает, что не существует электрической связи между входной и выходной сторонами.
    [Перевод Интент]

    The measured values are electrically isolated.
    [Schneider Electric]

    Измеряемые величины гальванически развязаны от цепей устройства.
    [Перевод Интент]

    Недопустимые, нерекомендуемые

    Тематики

    • электротехника, основные понятия

    Близкие понятия

      EN

      DE

      FR

      3.4.3 гальваническая развязка (galvanic isolation): Элемент в искробезопасном электрооборудовании, посредством которого обеспечивается передача сигнала со входа на выход без прямого электрического соединения между ними.

      Примечание - Для гальванической развязки часто используют либо магнитные (трансформаторы или реле), либо оптронные элементы.

      Источник: ГОСТ Р 52350.14-2006: Электрооборудование для взрывоопасных газовых сред. Часть 14. Электроустановки во взрывоопасных зонах (кроме подземных выработок) оригинал документа

      3.5.3 гальваническая развязка (galvanic isolation): Элемент в искробезопасном или связанном электрооборудовании, посредством которого обеспечивают передачу сигналов или мощности между электрическими цепями без прямого электрического соединения между ними.

      Примечание - Для гальванической развязки часто используют либо магнитные (трансформаторы или реле), либо оптронные элементы.

      Источник: ГОСТ Р МЭК 60079-14-2008: Взрывоопасные среды. Часть 14. Проектирование, выбор и монтаж электроустановок оригинал документа

      Русско-английский словарь нормативно-технической терминологии > гальваническая развязка

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